Restoring Business Confidence

Hard times at the bottom of the Bush economy
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From a tent city in Reno to a drug dealer’s block in Detroit, I saw how Republican rule has hit those living on the American fringe.

By Dan Hoyle

Oct. 13, 2008 |

The Flying J Truck Stop outside of Jerome, Idaho, has some of the cheapest gas in the area, so on a Tuesday afternoon in late September, vehicles were lined up at its 16 pumps. For Rickie S., this would normally mean brisk business — he’s been an itinerant polisher of semitrailer wheels and hubcaps for the past 26 years. He doesn’t have a résumé or calling card but insists his work is world-class. “Get on a CB and ask about Rickie — I’m known coast to coast,” he says. But lately the truckers, who have been crunched by high gas prices for months, have been reluctant to hire Rickie even for a few bucks to buff and shine their rigs.

Business has gotten so bad that Rickie, who is 50 years old, has decided to abandon his trade.

“I’m done. I just threw away my rags, all my polish. You can’t make any money doing that anymore,” he says, taking a seat on his Army duffel bag and pushing back his Conway trucker’s mesh cap. He glances at the dirt caking the rims of my van, accumulated over 11,000 miles of traversing the country since June, and shares his story of economic blues. “I’ve got three blankets, two dollars, one beer and a 50 percent chance of survival,” he says. “This economy is bad, man! And guess what? The buck stops here.”

With the American financial system in crisis, politicians in both parties have taken every opportunity to denounce the corporate pirates of Wall Street and sound off on behalf of the anxious working majority. But far off embattled Main Street is another troubling picture of the nation’s economic swoon, where the working poor and lifelong scrappers struggle to keep from sliding onto Skid Row. For those on the bottom rung of the economic ladder, the current crisis is in a sense a mere aggravation of years of hard times. But for some it has turned particularly harsh.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau and the Bureau of Labor statistics, the national poverty rate increased from a record low of 11.3 percent in 2000 to 12.5 percent in 2007 — an increase of approximately 5.8 million Americans living below the poverty line. “In George W. Bush’s presidency, there’s been an almost total absence of benefits of growth trickling down to the middle class, much less to those at the bottom,” says Jared Bernstein, an economist with the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute, whose extensive writing on the working poor includes the book "The State of Working America." The nation’s unemployment rate has risen from 4 percent in 2000 to 6.1 percent at present. Bush’s economic policy has been marked by tax cuts largely beneficial to the wealthy, while federal funding for many programs helping low-income people has not kept pace with inflation.

Traveling around the country for three months this summer and fall, I found abundant evidence of an economy under strain. At the truck stop in Idaho, amid overgrown lots in run-down Detroit, at idle slot machines and in a dusty tent city in Nevada, I met people struggling to survive on the fringes of the faltering economy. Many were suspicious of a journalist’s inquiries and wary of divulging personal information (including their last names). But they were outspoken about the way economic hardship has hit home in recent months.

In Jackpot, Nev., a casino town of 1,416 people, Olivia A., 38, waits tables at Barton’s Club 93 Casino. She is a lot less busy these days, even with the prime rib special dinner on a recent Monday going for the tantalizing price of .98. The casino is not empty — there are still a few older women pulling on long, thin cigarettes and feeding slots with names such as Winning Times and Stinkin’ Rich — but Olivia says business is way down. As a result, her hours have been cut. A mother of three, she never expected to be struggling so hard to pay the bills when she left her job as an accountant in Mexico more than a decade ago to come to the U.S. with her husband. Leaving a middle-class job in Mexico was difficult, yet worth a better life for her children, she had thought.

But lately, every day seems less of an improvement over her previous life in Mexico. “Sometimes, I think about going back,” she says. “the only reason I’m here is for my kids. Back home I was a professional. I had a completely different life.”

The severity of the downturn can also be seen beyond the legal edges of the economy. On a recent Sunday afternoon on Jefferson Avenue, in Detroit’s notorious East Jefferson neighborhood, Joe, 37, is dressed in street-business casual: a white Adidas T-shirt, gray stonewashed jeans, white Adidas sneakers and a black do-rag. But the tattered state of his attire is a telltale sign that sales are down at his corner drug business, where he waits anxiously for today’s payday to come from across Alter Road. Three blocks to the north, the boarded-up storefronts and treeless sidewalks here give way to a leafy, boutique-strewn lane of Jefferson Avenue in Grosse Pointe, the wealthy suburb that is home to many of the top engineers and executives of the American auto industry. They have been some of Joe’s most profitable customers over the years. “When a white person come across Alter Road, they might spend 0 at a time,” explains Joe, “whereas round here, people only looking for dimes and nicks [ and bags].”

Over the past year, Joe’s big buyers from the suburbs have been cutting back. Like everyone else in the Motor City, Joe has felt the impact of losses at Ford, General Motors and Chrysler. “As goes the Big Three, so go Detroit, and I mean everybody,” says Joe. He grew up on welfare, and admits to being “knee deep in the drug game” since he was 15 years old, but he complains that he is even less shielded from the economic crisis as a part of the illegal and informal economy. He says he has been struggling to make child support payments for two kids. “At least the autoworkers get memberships to Sam’s Club and Costco. We have to buy our Pampers at the corner store for !”

Detroit has the highest poverty rate of any American city at 33.8 percent, with many blocks boasting only a lone house surrounded by fields of overgrown weeds. Watching the cars pass by, Joe eyes a yellow BMW. “Right there! That dude spent about 0 last week right here on this corner,” he declares. “But he didn’t come round last weekend like he normally do. You know he’s thinking, ‘I can’t be blowing money now. I might lose my job.’”

Economists across the board agree that this decade has been nothing like the 1990s, which saw sustained, healthy economic growth at most levels. Still, Rea S. Hederman Jr., an economist at the conservative Heritage Foundation, seeks to paint a less bleak picture when it comes to the plight of the working class. He notes that consumption inequality has increased far more slowly than income inequality, as more and more people at the bottom of the economic ladder own cellphones, dishwashers and microwaves. Hederman, preferring the term “pro-growth” to “trickle down” economics, also points to a long streak of positive job growth numbers from August 2003 to January 2008.

But with regard to those numbers, Bernstein, of the Economic Policy Institute, says that the period from March 2001 to December 2007 was “the worst business cycle on record for job growth, and you won’t find an economist to disagree with that," with jobs growing at just 0.7 percent annually, well below the 2 percent annual average. Put another way, in the 1990s, 21 million jobs were created, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, while in this decade only between 5 and 7 million jobs have been created, according to various estimates. (The decade isn’t over yet, but few economists are likely to be predicting a bonanza of job creation in the two years remaining.)

A stark picture of what it means to be down and out these days has cropped up just four blocks from the towering casino hotels of downtown Reno. After a local homeless shelter reached overflow capacity this spring, people began pitching tents in the dirt of an open lot; a tent city of more than 50 structures has since sprung up. On a warm late September afternoon, I weaved my way around people’s makeshift homes, some adorned with T-shirts featuring arty designs, others guarded by plastic animal lawn ornaments. People’s stories were a potent mixture of misfortune, bad decisions and dwindling opportunities.

In recent times, Bill Rosenbaum, 48, was installing carpet for new subdivision homes in Southern California and Arizona, traveling so much that he found it easier to stay in hotels. Then his van blew out and the home foreclosure crisis crippled the market for new carpet installation — and he was homeless for the first time in his life. He recently found a day job picking up pine cones for a rancher outside town. He hopes to save enough money to buy a new van and start his business back up.

Tammy Tyra, 47, of Seymour, Texas, was a trucker for the Landstar Carrier Group until last November, when she started having seizures. Diagnosed with epilepsy, she was forced to quit. Unable to find a new job, she eventually found her way to the tent city in Reno. She put her goal in simple terms: “I want to get me a freakin’ job!”

Alden Collins, 56, lost his job when he refused to take a pay cut from to an hour at a restaurant in Lake Tahoe. As he told his story, it quickly devolved into a song. (His friends nearby noted that he had been off his medication recently.) Nashing his teeth between notes, and banging his foot in the dirt to keep time, he sang, “Trying to go to work/ yeah yeah yeah/ but workin’ in the dirt just don’t work for me.”

Many of the people at the tent city suffered from mental health issues, and as social programs have been cut, they have less access to services. Those at the bottom have suffered in multiple ways, Bernstein says. “They’ve been hit on two sides. The markets are letting them down, and our government is letting them down.”

Debbie Weinstein, executive director of the Coalition on Human Needs, a Washington-based advocacy group for low-income people, says that “there’s been a great deal of shrinkage of a bunch of different kinds of services.” The organization has tracked 97 federally funded programs during Bush’s second term in office; according to data from Weinstein, federal funding for all but 13 of the 97 programs failed to keep up with inflation. Funding for major initiatives such as the Center for Mental Health, Adult job Training and Homeless Assistance Grants (which have budgets in the hundreds of millions of dollars), was down between 8 and 17 percent in inflation-adjusted dollars from 2004 to 2008.

According to both Bernstein and Hederman, those at the bottom usually receive less attention in times of economic crisis. They are a politically insignificant group compared to the broad American middle class, and expressing support in policy terms for the poor, who are often seen as lazy recipients of the un-American handout, can be risky for a politician in a close election. “The poor have been pretty invisible on the political stage,” Bernstein says. “It’s usually only in boom times that we look at those issues closely, and people debate if there are policy failures or they are just lazy bums.”

“I’d like to think people are more sympathetic in terms of volunteerism and charitable contributions," Hederman says. But a bad economy can get in the way, he says. "People are also looking to save in case things get worse.”

Setting aside any moral imperatives to aid the working class and poor, it’s evident that the relative health of this population tells us something about the state of the country.

At the truck stop outside Jerome, Idaho, Rickie speaks of two decades as a troubled but hard-working independent contractor to truckers across the country. On a good day he said he could make 0 to 0 polishing rigs; lately, he was lucky to make to . He expresses sharp frustration with the truckers, many of whom were loyal customers for years. “I feel like getting on that CB radio and saying, ‘Y’all are the sorriest motherfuckers I know, driving around the country with dirty wheels and dirty trucks. You gotta have some pride in your ride!’”

He cocks his head and watches a 18-wheeler with dirty rims easing out into traffic. “But people just don’t have any money for that anymore," he adds. "I know.”

— By Dan Hoyle

Our country is facing a number of problems right now. Unemployment has continued to be high. We have huge deficits for as far as the eye can see. Our nation debt is around $ 14 trillion and growing. Our politicians in Washington have been more focused on the expansion of government services, and regulating businesses, than understanding what it takes to stimulate our economy. Some seem to believe that any dollar spent is stimulative by nature. But not every dollar is spent equally. Dollars spent by the government is only reshuffling the deck. Dollars spent by consumers help businesses to grow. And dollars spent by businesses is what creates jobs and wealth in our country. And what is the best way to grow our economy? By creating a positive business atmosphere where businesses look for opportunities to create jobs and create wealth.

The business community has been sitting on the sidelines, and it’s contributing to a sluggish economy. The economy and the markets do not like uncertainty, and they have been faced with nothing BUT uncertainty lately. The good news is that several things have happened recently that should help give the US economy a kick start.

1 – Tax Rates
Business like certainty, and predictability. Businesses have been faced with potential raising tax rates. If Congress had allowed tax rates on the “rich” to expire, then half of all profits from small businesses would have been effected by the higher tax rates. Critics like to explain that the higher tax rates will only effect a small number of small businesses. But this is incredibly misleading. Most small businesses are VERY small, and do not provide employment opportunities, or make enough money to be effected by the higher tax rates. Think of piano teachers, independent carpenters, Mary Kay consultants, local musicians, or the attorney down the street working out of her house. These are the people who make up the majority of small businesses. And while they’re very important to our communities, they’re not the job creators. It’s the “bigger” small businesses that create the jobs, and make enough money to be effected by the higher tax rates.

Do you want these small businesses to create jobs, or do you want them to be strangled with regulations and economic fear? Is it more important for these businesses to create jobs so that people can get off unemployment, or to pay more taxes so that we can keep more people on unemployment? Despite what some critics would like you to believe, keeping these tax rates consistent will be good for the economy, and good for job creation.

2 – The Omnibus Spending Bill
One of my biggest disappointments with the current Congress is that they haven’t even attempted to pass a budget for 2011 until now. We are already a couple months into the 2011 fiscal year, and all they’ve done is passed continuing resolutions to keep the government funded. This last week in the Senate, Harry Reid introduced a spending bill to fund the government for 2011 loaded with billions in earmarks from both political parties. The document was nearly 2,000 pages, and Reid was pushing for a quick decision from the Senate to pass the bill. It’s a good sign that the bill has been pulled. Maybe politicians are finally understanding that we can’t keep spending money we don’t have. And that the American people are fed up with business as usual in Washington.

Investor’s Business Daily explained it this way: “The lump of coal in our Christmas stocking that was the omnibus spending bill is dead. The Congress the people elected, not the one they repudiated, can now guard the public purse, not pick our pockets. The failure to pass a budget or any of 12 appropriations bills despite full control of both houses of Congress led to this paroxysm of spending, a $ 1.27 trillion bill full of earmarks that represented the antithesis to the type of government voters on Nov. 2 said they wanted. Those voices evidently were still being heard, particularly by the 23 Democratic and independent senators up for re-election in 2012.”

Families have to be fiscally responsible. Business have to be fiscally responsible. If the federal government doesn’t get its fiscal house in order, fear and uncertainty will continue to dominate the business mindset. The fact that this bill was pulled will be seen as a positive by the business world.

3 – Business Friendly Environment
For the last two years, rightly or wrongly, the business community has viewed the White House and Congress as anti-business. From new health care legislation that imposes new costs and responsibilities on businesses, to new financial regulations that impose new burdens on the financial community, Congress and the White House have pushed for priorities that are not viewed as pro-business, or pro-economy. The business community wants to be optimistic about the future. Seeing the first signs from the White House that they’re willing to consider a more pro-business approach will be seen very positively by the business community at large.

If Congress can continue to focus on tackling out of control spending, deficits, and the national debt, we should see some resurgence in our struggling economy. If President Obama and the White House continues to move to the center and work with business leaders, confidence should return. And hopefully we’ll put our small businesses in a position to grow, create wealth, and create jobs.

Lee Eldridge has been involved in marketing for more than 20 years. He’s the co-owner of the promotional items company Snap Promotions out of Lawrence, Kansas. As a custom marketing products specialist Eldridge is known as an innovative leader within the promotional products industry. Lee writes for his company’s blog as well as Love Promos.

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Photo-Report – March 2014

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Articles (german / english) :

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El dia 31 de març comença el judici contra les 20 persones imputades per l’intent de bloqueig del Parlament del 15 de Juny del 2011. Aquell dia s’anaven a iniciar el tràmits per aprovar els pressupostos amb el primer paquet de retallades a Catalunya, que va propiciar el tancament d’empreses públiques, la privatització de la sanitat, les retallades al sector de la cultura, educació, etc.

La mobilització “Aturem el Parlament” va succeir dues setmanes després del brutal desallotjament de la Plaça Catalunya a mans dels antidisturbis dels Mossos d’Esquadra a les ordres del que era conseller d’Interior i ara ho és d’Empresa i Ocupació, Felip Puig. També responsable del dispositiu policial que va disparar contra l’ull d’Esther Quintana.

La criminalització per part de la premsa subvencionada pel Govern i l’escalada repressiva que va venir després (judicis contra persones que volien impedir un desnonament al Clot, nombroses detencions a les vagues generals, multes absurdes per les persones que es manifestaven o per enganxar cartells, etc), va ser i és encara, una resposta planejada per procurar frenar l’augment de la indignació i de la força de les protestes populars contra el poder polític, econòmic i altres injustícies quotidianes, com el patriarcat i el racisme.

Durant aquells dies, la gent es va organitzar arreu per construir política des del carrer, com moltes seguim fent. La política que volem és assembleària, horitzontal, autogestionada, sense representants, és del poble i per al poble, i xoca amb la política institucional que ens governa. La qual ha estat protagonista d’un espiral de corrupció i de tenir llaços, sovint familiars o personals, amb grans empreses privades que reben encàrrecs d’obres públiques i amb els peixos grossos del poder financer.

Aquell dia érem milers de persones les que vam anar a intentar aturar el Parlament, per combatre el drama de tantes vides immerses en la misèria, els acomiadaments per les retallades, els suïcidis pels desnonaments, etc. Perquè moltes d’aquestes barbàries s’aproven dins dels murs d’aquest edifici. Per aquest motiu estàvem assenyalant els culpables el 15 de Juny de 2011 i per això mateix, ho tornaríem a fer sense por, perquè legitimem la nostra actuació, i perquè si la gent del carrer, a qui ens afecta tot això, no lluitem, ningú altre ho farà per nosaltres.

Sabem i tenim clar que aquest és un judici polític, una farsa per atemorir a aquelles que decideixen plantar cara i actuar contra els responsables de tanta precarietat. De fet, ens reafirmem al comprovar que l’acció directa contra els poderosos i generar alternatives de vida els molesta, i molt. Per això, i perquè som conscients del poder que podem tenir quan ens organitzem, no ens volem doblegar davant les seves intimidacions i fem una crida a estendre la solidaritat a aquells i aquelles que pateixen la repressió i la violència quotidiana d’aquest sistema econòmic, en les seves infinitats de formes.

Convoquem manifestació el dia 29 de març a Barcelona a les 18:30 a Plaça Catalunya.


La propera vegada que agafin un helicòpter, que sigui per marxar ben lluny i no tornar a molestar!



I was at the Catalan Parliament too…
and I would do it again

On March 31st the court case against the 20 people who are charged with an attempt to block the Catalan Paliament on June 15th 2012 will begin. That day in June, the process of implementing the first round of budget cuts in Catalonia began. Cuts that involved closing public companies, the privatization of health care,as well as cuts in the area of culture, education, etc.

The mobilization “Aturem el Parlament” (“Paralize the Parliament”), took place two weeks after the brutal eviction of Plaza Catalunya (Barcelona), by the riot police Mossos d´Esquadra under the command of Felip Puig. He was the minister of the Interior at that time and is currently the minister of companies and labour. He was also responsible for the police operation that shot Esther Quintana in the eye.

The criminalization by the media (that is funded by the state) and the increase of repression which followed (court cases against people trying to prevent an eviction in the neighbourhood of el Clot, many detentions during the general strikes, absurd fees for people protesting or hanging banners with tape etc), was, and still is, a planned response to try to stop the rise of outrage and the strength of popular demostrations against economic and political power, and other daily injustices (such as patriarchy and racism).

During those days, people organized themselves all over to build and create politics from the streets, as many of us continue to do. The politics we want are based in assemblies, horizontal, self-organized, without leaders; they belong to the people and they are for the people, and clash with the institutional politics which govern us. The same institutional politics and their protagonists are creating a corruption spiral and have relationships, mostly family-based, with private companies (that receive contracts for public constructions) and with high-up people with economic power.

That day we were thousands of people trying to paralyze the Catalan Parliament in order to fight the drama of so many lives embedded in misery, the layoffs due to the cuts, the suicides due to evictions, etc. Because many of these atrocities are approved behind the walls of that building. This is the reason that we were pointing out the guilty ones that 25 of June 2012, and because of this, we would to it again without fear. Because we legitimize our action, and because if we, the people from the street -whom are the most affected-, don´t fight, nobody will do it for us.

We know that this is a political court case, a farce to scare those who decide to stand up and take action against thoseresponsibleforall this precariousness. In fact, we reaffirm our ideals and actions after proving that direct action and the creation of alternatives of life bothers them, a lot. Because of this, and because we are aware of the power we can have when we are organized, we don´t want to bow down to their intimidation. We call for a spread of solidarity for all the ones who suffer daily repression and violence within this economic system, in its infinite shapes.


The next time that they take an helicopter, it should be to go far away, and not come back to bother us.


Repression in Spain. A call for international solidarity

During the last three years Spanish society has witnessed a period of intense social protests against austerity, corruption, unemployment and so on. As in other times in history, the greater and more radicalised the protest the bigger the repression that the state organises against it. Since the general strike in September 2010, a common trend of this repression strategy is been a kind of ‘laissez faire’ in the streets but followed by ´selective´ detentions months later. Police have been literally knocking doors down of those who continuously take part in different actions and demonstrations, and consequently dozens of people have been arrested.

On June the 15th 2011, ten thousand people surrounded the Catalan parliament in Barcelona. That day the government wanted to approve a vast austerity cut in health and education, and the idea was to block politicians from getting into the building. “Inexplicably” the police did not protect some politicians, which caused direct confrontation with protesters, and of course that fact was used by the media as an example of violence against democracy. After that, people were violently dispersed, and the MPs could do their job.

On October the 4th 2011, 22 people were arrested in their homes. They have been accused of a crime against the state, using a law designed for coup leaders and that had never been used before in Spain. They now face a penalty of up to 8 years in jail, whereas some of them have been also accused of different crimes related to other demonstrations. The trial will start in March the 31st 2014 and it is expected to last four days.

There will be a national day of solidarity in Spain on March the 29th with demonstrations in several cities. So we also call for international solidarity.

You can call, email or block different Spanish embassies or institutions. Or you can do whatever you consider appropriate…

“That day we tried to block the Catalan parliament to combat the drama of many lives immersed in poverty, layoffs by cuts, suicides by evictions, etc. Because many of these atrocities are approved behind the walls of that building. We were pointing at the guilty, and because of that we would do it again without fear. We know this is a political trial, a farce to scare those who choose to stand up and take action against those responsible for such precarious living conditions. In fact, we reaffirm it to find that both direct action against the powerful and generate alternative lives bothers them a lot. For this reason, and because we understand the power that we can have as we organise ourselves, we do not want to bow to their intimidation and we make a call to extend solidarity to those suffering the daily repression and violence of this economic system, in its myriad forms”.



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